JERUSALEM, March 26
-- Yasir Arafat declared today that he would not attend an Arab summit
meeting in Beirut after Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel said he
wanted the right to prevent Mr. Arafat from returning to the West Bank.
"To my regret, the conditions have not ripened yet for Chairman Arafat's
departure for Beirut," Mr. Sharon said in an interview on the Arabic-language
news program on Israeli television. The Palestinian leadership responded
in a statement that, "President Arafat and the Palestinian people
refuse to submit to this threat, aggression and blackmail.
"In this dangerous situation, President Arafat and the Palestinian
leadership decided that Abu Amar stay with his steadfast people in order
not to give the Israeli government an opportunity to put obstacles in
the way of his return." Mr. Arafat is popularly known as Abu Amar.
The outcome followed days of speculation over whether Mr. Sharon, who
has kept Mr. Arafat confined to the West Bank city of Ramallah for more
than three months, would allow him to leave or whether Mr. Arafat would
agree to go.
The outcome threw into question the prospects of a Saudi initiative to
have Arab leaders offer the Israelis normalization of relations in exchange
for a withdrawal by Israel from the West Bank and Gaza Strip, which it
occupied in the 1967 war. The prospects became all the more remote after
President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt also said he would not attend. But the
Saudis and other moderate Arab leaders gathering in Beirut, Lebanon, insisted
that they would press ahead with the initiative. Aides to Mr. Arafat said
he would address the summit meeting over television from his headquarters
in Ramallah.
The developments marked a setback for the Bush administration, which
had finally become re-engaged in the search for a Middle East peace and
had pressed the Israelis hard to enable Mr. Arafat to attend the meeting,
while pressing Mr. Arafat hard to crack down on terror. Another thwarted
suicide bombing today indicated that the latter effort was also not succeeding.
Another front of the effort by the United States, the attempts by its
envoy, Gen. Anthony C. Zinni, to mediate a cease-fire, also seemed stalled.
Israeli reports said General Zinni had canceled a meeting of Israeli and
Palestinian security officials on Wednesday, thus effectively pushing
any chance of a cease-fire off at least past the Jewish holiday of Passover,
which begins at sundown Wednesday. The decision was apparently not directly
linked to the issue of Mr. Arafat's travel. Officials said General Zinni
concluded after floating his own proposed cease-fire arrangements that
the two sides were too far apart to bother meeting, and scheduled a separate
session with Mr. Sharon instead.
The Arab League summit meeting and General Zinni's mission had generated
a gleam of hope for an end to a struggle that had intensified to the brink
of open warfare, and the twin blows represented a serious and potentially
dangerous setback. If the peacemaking foundered, the widespread expectation
on both sides of the conflict was of an increase to levels even higher
than before, possibly including an Israeli reoccupation of most lands
that had come under Palestinian control.
The cancellation of Mr. Arafat's trip came at the end of a day of furious
maneuvering and speculation, overcast by high tensions. A suicide bombing
was apparently thwarted when Israeli security forces ordered a suspicious
vehicle to stop, and it exploded, killing both men inside. The car was
headed in the direction of a large shopping mall in southern Jerusalem
crowded with pre-Passover shoppers, and the bomb was evidently strapped
to one of the men. In the evening, the Israeli Army announced that two
members of an international monitoring force, one Turkish and the other
Swiss, were ambushed and shot dead in their car near Hebron, in the West
Bank. A third officer, who survived, said a uniformed Palestinian opened
fire on them in the dark, despite markings on their car that identified
them as officers of the Temporary International Presence in Hebron, an
unarmed monitoring force. The group was set up after an Israeli settler
killed 29 Muslim worshipers in 1994.
With Israel in preparation for Passover, security was extraordinary.
Police officers, soldiers and roadblocks were everywhere in evidence.
Israel's private Channel Two news station reported that security forces
believed that Palestinians were preparing a major "strategic"
terror attack in coming days, but there was no official confirmation.
Though Mr. Arafat's chances of traveling to Beirut seemed dim already
on Monday, there was continuing speculation that Mr. Sharon would bow
to American wishes and let him go at the last minute. But the absence
of a cease-fire and continuing terror attacks, as well as severe pressure
from hard-liners in the government, had put Mr. Sharon under strong pressure
to keep Mr. Arafat grounded.
For both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders, the issue was further mired
in their old and bitter rivalry. Mr. Sharon, as defense minister, was
the architect of the Israeli invasion that drove Mr. Arafat out of Lebanon
in 1982, and there was little doubt that Mr. Arafat intended his return
to Beirut — without agreeing to any cease-fire or conditions —
as a personal triumph over his nemesis. Israeli radio also reported that
Mr. Sharon had rejected an offer from the foreign minister of Qatar to
come to Jerusalem to meet him, and then to fly Mr. Arafat to Beirut in
his plane. This evening's announcement had the same qualities of improvisation
and surprise that so many developments in the constantly changing landscape
of the conflict have had. Mr. Sharon had been scheduled to be interviewed
on Al Jazeera, the Qatar-based Arabic-language television network. At
the last minute, with cameras already set up, the interview was canceled,
evidently in a dispute over arrangements. Instead, Mr. Sharon went on
Israeli Arabic-language television.
Allowing Mr. Arafat to go would, he said, be possible on two conditions.
One would be a public announcement by Mr. Arafat in Arabic of a cease-fire
and a call to end violence. The other would be for the United States to
give Mr. Sharon leave to bar Mr. Arafat from returning if there was a
terror attack in his absence. In fact, Mr. Sharon had not even raised
the issue of releasing Mr. Arafat with his security cabinet, and it was
on the agenda only for Wednesday. There had also been considerable speculation
among Palestinians that even if Mr. Sharon had allowed Mr. Arafat to leave
without conditions he might not have, both for fear of not being allowed
to return, and to avoid any impression among Arab leaders or his own people
that he was bowing to Israeli or American conditions.
The Palestinian minister of information, Yassir Abed Rabbo, said on CNN
that Mr. Sharon's comments were "the utmost provocation — this
is the ultimate humiliation for the Palestinian people and the whole Arab
world. "The fact, however, was that Mr. Arafat stood to gain whether
he went or stayed. His treatment at the hands of Mr. Sharon has raised
his stature enormously among Palestinians, and the latest episode only
added to his standing. Mr. Sharon, by contrast, is now in the position
of having defied the Americans. But he, too, is likely to gain short-term
support from his government and people, who have continued to suffer punishing
terror attacks and who were not in the mood to see Mr. Arafat holding
forth in Beirut. Part of the problem, officials said privately, was that
the Bush administration had returned to the region in pursuit of its own
agenda — to destroy Saddam Hussein of Iraq — and without any
long-term plan of action. Thus neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis
approached the negotiations with high faith in their success. General
Zinni had arrived confidently predicting a cease-fire within days. He
has been here almost two weeks.
The fundamental problem, in this as in previous efforts to secure any
sort of peace, has been that Israelis and Palestinians are pursuing entirely
different goals. Basically, the Israelis want security, and the Palestinians
want a state. |